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Perceptions of Women as Managers in Chile and the United States
Introduction
Over the last thirty-five years, not only has the absolute number of women in managerial roles in the U.S. increased substantially, but also the percentage of women managers, particularly those in middle-level positions, has grown (Deal and Stevenson 1998; Ragins, Townsend, and Mattis 1998; Stroh, Varma, and Valy-Durbin 2000). Massive societal and cultural changes, many of which were driven by the women’s movement in the U.S., have had a profound effect on the awareness of and social consciousness toward selecting women for managerial roles. More than a simple intellectual acknowledgement or rudimentary compliance with federal law, the business world has undergone a fundamental shift in values with respect to women managers. As a practical matter, U.S. businesses have recognized explicitly that ultimately they cannot be competitive in world markets if they deny, through gender discrimination1, the talents, skills, and abilities of women managers.
In spite of these changes, negative stereotypes of women as managers persist in U.S. culture, and may explain the fact that women are still underrepresented at the executive level of management (Bass and Avolio 1994; Davies-Netzley 1998; Lyness and Thompson 2000). Hymowitz and Schellhardt (1986) are credited with coining the term “glass ceiling,” the invisible and artificial barrier(s) women encounter as they approach the top of the corporate hierarchy. The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1991 created the Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, empowering it to conduct studies and prepare recommendations to eliminate artificial barriers to the advancement of women and minorities. Among the barriers identified by the Commission to date is conscious and unconscious stereotyping that results in discriminatory behavior. Thus, the focus of the Commission is on perception because people base their beliefs on their perceptions, which in turn perpetuates stereotyping and the glass ceiling effect (Federal Glass Ceiling Commission 1995).
Raising the Ceiling?
Many contend that the glass ceiling still exists for women, although primarily this argument seems to apply to the paucity of women in executive positions as opposed to all management positions. In their study of requisite management characteristics that covered the twenty-year period ending in 1993, Dodge, Gilroy, and Mickey-Fenzel (1995) concluded that women are still underrepresented in managerial positions, especially at upper levels. In another study, Ragins, Townsend, and Mattis (1998) concluded that efforts to dismantle the glass ceiling that prevented women from attaining executive positions had been ineffectual for three reasons: a lack of understanding of barriers women face as they advance upward in an organization, insufficient understanding of career strategies effective for upward mobility, and inaccurate or incomplete understanding of organizational climate issues faced by women employees in organizations. Daily, Certo, and Dalton (1999) found that although female representation on corporate boards of directors and in CEO positions had increased in total during the ten-year period ending in 1996, the number of inside female directors was only .0006 percent, and had actually decreased during that decade from eleven to eight. The authors concluded that women had made no progress in ascending to executive positions and were unlikely to do so for many years.
On the other hand, there is support for the arrival of women in entry- and middle-level management positions. Powell and Butterfield (1994) focused on middle-level management promotions in government positions and found no gender effects on promotions. Dodge, Gilroy, and Mickey-Fenzel (1995) reported that while perceptions of women as managers appear to be changing, there is a strong likelihood that women are still viewed as not having the requisite skills and abilities to hold upper-level management positions.
Although perspectives on the existence of the glass ceiling vary, there seems to be general agreement that overall there are more women managers in the workforce today than ever before. Also, there are many more prospective women managers entering the workforce. The issue seems to be that women have not yet been given equal access to executive-level roles, and that to some extent, perceptions of women as managers contributes to this lack of access. Deal and Stevenson (1998) explain that while today’s young men have grown up in an “equal-opportunity society,” they are still affected by the negative stereotypes that exist regarding professional women in positions of power.
Looking beyond U.S. Borders
One significant way that perceptions of female managers may create a barrier to executive positions for women is in terms of the impact of such perceptions on success in international assignments. Expatriate assignments are an increasingly important step in the careers of those chosen to fill top-level managerial positions, and a key factor in successful expatriate performance is the degree to which organizations provide effective support and training for managers on international assignments (Adler 1997; Harris 1995). A knowledge of cultural perceptions of women and of any differences in perceptions that may exist across cultures is fundamental for developing the type of support and training that will enable women to succeed as expatriate managers (Caligiuri 2000; Caligiuri and Cascio 1998).
Researchers have examined perceptions of women as managers in countries other than the U.S., at times comparing those perceptions with samples from the U.S., Great Britain, and Germany (Schein and Mueller 1992); Hong Kong (Ng 1995); Norway, Sweden, Australia, and the U.S. (Gibson 1995); Nigeria and the U.S. (Tomkiewicz and Adeyemi-Bello 1995), and U.S. female expatriate managers assigned globally by their companies (Caligiuri and Cascio 1998). However, as Muller and Rowell (1997) observed, there is a lack of empirical research on women managers in Latin America. Latin American women have had relatively high rates of economic participation (Brydon and Chant 1989), but most of the research that has been conducted on perceptions of female managers in Hispanic cultures has been exploratory in nature, or has utilized Hispanic people within the U.S. as subjects rather than people from another country. Still, these studies provide insight with regard to perceptions of women as managers, and serve as a foundation for empirical research investigating cultural stereotypes.
Existing research supports the distinctiveness of the Latin American culture from the U.S. with respect to gender role stereotypes affecting women as managers. As noted by Romo and Romo (1985), two fundamental values permeate most Latin American cultures: the importance of familia (family), and the concept of machismo (Muller and Rowell 1997). Traditional family values promote the unquestioned authority and supremacy of the father and the contrasting role of self-sacrifice of the mother. Machismo is the ideology of manliness that confers privilege to men, whose role it is to protect the weaker and more vulnerable women. One would expect, therefore, an even greater resistance to women in the relatively masculine role of manager in Latin American cultures, as opposed to the U.S.
A study conducted by Stephens and Greer (1995) supports this expectation. The authors interviewed Mexican, U.S., and third-country nationals who worked as managers, as well as Mexican and U.S. trade officials, and collected information through a survey of Mexican managers participating in an MBA program. With regard to women as managers, Stephens and Greer found that women have a difficult time gaining respect in managerial jobs, and that most male managers would not send female employees on business trips alone. One female executive interviewed by Stephens and Greer (1995) noted that because of prevailing social mores, Mexican employers tended to hire “married men first, then single men, single women, and finally (and rarely) married women” (p. 50). This pattern of workforce participation is consistent across most Latin American countries (Arriagada 1995).
In their 1997 exploratory study of twelve senior-level female managers in Mexico, Muller and Rowell found that discriminatory behavior and cultural stereotypes were the most common obstacles to advancement experienced by these women. Representative barriers included stereotypical and traditional attitudes, direct challenge of competence and authority by male employees, patronizing language by male superiors, and backbiting and subtle pressure from female employees. Assertive behaviors, in contrast to the traditional expectation of women as submissive, comprised the primary strategy developed to overcome these obstacles.
Gowan and Trevino (1998) examined gender differences in Mexican-American attitudes toward family and career roles by administering five indices from Covin and Brush’s (1991) Career Issues Survey to 140 Mexican-American students. Results indicated that males were more likely to hold traditional views of females in the workplace than were females.
The studies reviewed above are representative of the research conducted to date on perceptions of gender differences across the Latin American and U.S. cultures. One of the limitations of the existing research is that there are no empirical studies directly comparing the perceptions of women as managers held by people in Latin America to perceptions held by people in the U.S. Thus, to extend previous research, the following two hypotheses were posed:
H1: For both U.S. and Latin American cultures, perceptions of women as managers held by women will be more positive than those held by men.
H2: U.S. perceptions of women as managers will be more positive than those held by Latin Americans.
Methodology
Sample
Participants in this study were 412 undergraduate, degree seeking, business administration students at a large midwestern university in the U.S and at a large university in the eighth region of Chile (Latin American sample; a region in Chile is equivalent to a state in the U.S.). Use of students in empirical research about perceptions of women as managers is useful to assist in understanding the phenomenon of stereotyping managerial roles and tasks (Schein, Mueller, and Jacobson 1989; Schein and Mueller 1992; Owen and Todor 1993; Dodge, Gilroy, and Mickey-Fenzel 1995; Ng 1995; Tomkiewicz and Adeyemi-Bello 1995; Deal and Stevenson 1998). Arguably, students can be considered “adults.” They “work” in academic pursuits, demonstrating characteristics of regular full-time employees—leadership, followership, planning, control, being supervised, and interacting in heterogeneous teams. Like full-time workers, they assume responsibility, are held accountable for task completion, and set and achieve goals. They earn and spend money, create and pay down debt, hold management and operative positions in business and government, and work in profit-seeking and not-for-profit organizations. They are married, single, divorced, and have children. They own cars, houses, and other tangible assets. They have attitudes, values, and stereotypes. In short, they represent a microcosm of characteristics typically found in society as a whole and in the workforce in particular (Greenberg 1987).
The U.S. participants included 99 women and 95 men while the Chilean counterpart sample was comprised of 74 women and 144 men. Participants were grouped by gender (male and female) and culture (U.S. and Chilean). English was the primary language for the U.S. sample and Spanish was the primary language for the Chilean sample. Both groups of participants were in at least their third year of study towards a U.S. bachelor’s degree or its Chilean equivalent. The U.S. business administration students had a mean age of 23.74 years with 84.5 percent being employed at least part-time. Chilean business administration students had a mean age of 25.95 with 35.8 percent being employed at least part-time.
Instrument
The “Women as Managers Questionnaire” (WAMS; Peters, Terborg, and Taynor 1974; Terborg, Peters, Ilgen, and Smith 1977) was used to measure participant perceptions. Participants responded to a set of twenty-one questions (11 positively worded and 10 negatively worded; negatively worded items were reverse coded) reflecting different stereotypes of women holding managerial positions (e.g., women holding jobs that require responsibility, ambition, and aggressiveness) using a Likert-scale format from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Scale scores were obtained by summing all twenty-one items. Higher scale scores reflect more positive attitudes towards women as managers. The instrument has been used in a broad range of studies, with a broad range of samples, including human resource managers (Owen and Todor 1993), MBA and undergraduate students (Ware and Cooper-Studebaker 1989), library and information science master’s degree candidates (Murgai 1991), male and female managers (Crino, White, and DeSanctis 1981), and employees of an industrial distributing company (Terborg et al. 1977). Support for the instrument’s reliability and validity is presented by Peters et al. (1974) and Terborg et al. (1977).
Instrument Translation Procedure
In order to administer the WAMS to the Chilean participants the instrument was translated to Chilean Spanish. The commonly employed translation/back translation method was used (Brislin, Lonner, and Thorndike 1973; Candell and Hulin 1987; Guthrey and Lowe 1992; Hwang, Yan, and Scherer 1996). The first step was to have a bilingual (English-Spanish) member of the research team translate the WAMS into Chilean Spanish. A second bilingual member of the research team reviewed the translation to assure semantic equivalency of some words and phrases to the target language. These two individuals then reviewed the translated instrument to identify any discrepancies.
Second, a third bilingual member of the research team translated the instrument back from Chilean Spanish to English to assure equivalency. All three research associates reviewed discrepancies in back translation. Third, after translation differences were resolved the instrument was administered to a small group of individuals in Concepción, Chile whose only language was Chilean Spanish. These individuals were then interviewed by one of the researchers to determine the understandability of the translated instrument. Minor adjustments were made to the translated version of the WAMS before final administration to the participants.
Analytic Approach
To investigate the two hypotheses that sought to identify differences in the perceptions of women as managers a two-tiered (holistic) approach (Tabachnick and Fidell 2001) was used. First, multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was used to determine if differences existed between groups for gender and culture effects. Given a significant gender or culture effect, a review of the underlying structure would be performed to identify the contributions of the two WAMS variables to the set (see section labeled “Instrument Assessment” below for the two WAMS variables created). Specifically, the canonical discriminant loadings (correlations) for each of the two variables would be inspected. The last aspect of analysis would be to assess the centroids (multivariate means) for differences in magnitude and direction for the gender and culture effects. Analysis at the second tier was based at the individual WAMS variables level. Univariate F-tests would be performed on each of the two variables to determine if significant differences existed between any pairs of groups for each effect. Assessing differences in magnitude and direction for the individual WAMS variables would be performed given a significant gender or culture effect.
Results
Instrument Assessment
Before investigating of the hypotheses, an assessment of the instrument was performed for the following two reasons. First, the WAMS has been used primarily with North American samples in the English language. Second, previous investigations have assessed the dimensionality of the instrument (e.g., Crino et al. 1981; Crino, White, and Looney 1985; Ilgen and Moore 1983). Findings from these studies show that the dimensions can change based upon the context and sample utilized. For these reasons a factor analysis was performed to determine the dimensionality within the current sample.
Four factors were extracted with eigenvalues greater than 1.00; however, upon inspection of the scree plot and the varimax rotated loadings, it was apparent that for the current sample of English and Spanish speakers, only the first factor (eigenvalue = 4.06) and the second factor (eigenvalue = 3.34), which together accounted for 71.1% of the variance of the four factor set, were meaningful for inclusion in the current study. To confirm this decision the reliability of each of the four factors was assessed. Both factors three (Cronbach’s ? = .44) and four (Cronbach’s ? = .01) were well below acceptable levels for scale construction.
Factor I (nine items; Cronbach’s ? = .83; labeled Ability) and Factor II (six items; Cronbach’s ? = .82; labeled Acceptance) were utilized for analyses related to the two hypotheses. Items for each factor were summed to create scales. Higher scores on a scale reflect more positive or non-stereotypical perceptions of women as managers. Table 1 contains complete information on the ability and acceptance factors that were moderately correlated (r = .54; p < .01).
Covariate Analysis
Experiences at work can affect perceptions about women in managerial roles (e.g., Bass, Avolio, and Atwater 1996; Powell 2000). To account for this potential effect, given the differences in age and work experience of the U.S. and Chilean samples, participant age (in years) was selected as a proxy covariate. Before investigation of the hypotheses, a covariate analysis was performed to remove any variance in ability and acceptance due to age. Age had a significant effect (p < .05) on ability (see Table 2). Age had a non-significant effect on acceptance. Subsequent to this analysis all mean values for ability were adjusted to remove the effects due to the covariate age.
Analyses of the Hypotheses
With the dimensionality of the instrument identified and the covariate analysis completed, attention turned to investigating the two hypotheses posed. These analyses began at the multivariate level. Table 3 contains information for all of the multivariate and univariate tests. For the gender effect there was a significant MANOVA result (F = 60.56; df = 2 and 406; p < .05). A review of the correlations of the two WAMS variables with the underlying combined perception variable showed that ability contributed strongest to defining the set although the correlation of acceptance was also moderately strong (see Table 3). Figure 1 shows the relationship between the group centroids on the combined perception variable. Men had a lower composite mean score, which reflected a more negative perception of women as managers than the women. In fact, the centroids are almost direct opposites of each other.
Culture also had a significant effect as revealed by the MANOVA test performed (F = 13.18; df = 2 and 406; p < .05). Similar to the results for the gender effect (although more pronounced), as shown in the correlations with the underlying perception variable, ability contributed most strongly to the composite set. Inspection of the group centroids showed that the two groups had almost exactly opposite perceptions (see Figure 1). Participants from the U.S. had a more positive perception of women as managers than their Chilean counterparts.
Against this backdrop of results at the multivariate level the focus shifted to results at the univariate level (see Table 3 for complete univariate results) to identify differences in magnitude and direction of group mean scores. Both gender and culture individually had significant effects (p < .05) on ability and gender had a significant effect (p < .05) on acceptance. For the gender effect men had greater stereotypical perceptions of women as managers than women on both ability and acceptance. For the culture effect U.S. participants had more positive and less stereotypical perceptions of women as managers as reflected on ability.
Discussion
The objective of the current study was to identify differences in stereotypical perceptions of women as managers in two cultural settings. Assessment of the WAMS instrument identified two dimensions of the set of perceptions, which were labeled ability and acceptance. After removing the effects of age on ability, differences in perceptions by gender and culture were found at both the multivariate and univariate levels, confirming the two hypotheses. Males had more stereotypical and negative perceptions of women as managers on both ability and acceptance. U.S. participants had more positive and less stereotypical perceptions of women as managers on ability. The results also showed the utility at looking at this phenomenon from two analytical levels to obtain a holistic perspective.
Several observers have noted the importance of international assignments for women as a factor in breaking the glass ceiling (Harris 1995; Adler 1997). The myth that women do not desire expatriate assignments has been dispelled by several researchers (Adler 1994; Stroh, Varma, and Valy-Durbin 2000). Yet there continues to be fewer women sent on international assignments than men. As revealed in the current study, part of this phenomenon may be explained by perceptions of women as managers still held by men in the U.S. Moreover, strong negative perceptions of women as managers, held by men and women in other countries, Chile in the case of the current study, demonstrate an additional obstacle for U.S. women managers going on expatriate assignments.
Thus, the results of the current research suggest that the glass ceiling phenomenon may exist to a greater extent outside of the U.S. The results are consistent with those of Schein, Mueller, Lituchy, and Liu (1996) who found that business students in Asia had stronger stereotypical perceptions of women in managerial roles than did their U.S. counterparts. The call by Schein et al. (1996) to do research in South American countries was addressed in the current study which supports the commonly held view that “think manager – think male is a global phenomenon, especially among males” (p. 39), and from the current study it should be added that, especially outside of the U.S., among both males and females. Given these results, it is important to consider how expatriate assignments can be made more effective for women managers going abroad.
Caligiuri and Cascio’s (1998) model of causal agents affecting female expatriates’ success offers insight into how this information is useful to companies that send their female employees on expatriate assignments. One causal agent mentioned in the Caligiuri and Cascio model is host national attitudes. The fact that Latin American perceptions of female managers was even more negative than U.S. perceptions does not necessarily mean that female expatriate managers will be less than successful in Latin America (Stroh, Varma, and Valy-Durbin 2000). It may, however, mean that female expatriates may need to do everything possible to avoid being stereotyped in a negative fashion. Knowledge of existing host national attitudes provides the basis for determining appropriate behaviors and strategies for behavior (Caligiuri 2000). For example, in some countries, “blending in” with host national women may be exactly the wrong thing to do, because the expatriate female manager needs to establish herself in the perceptions of host nationals first as an effective manager and second as a female if she is to escape a less than favorable gender stereotype.
Another causal agent mentioned in the model is the organization’s policies and practices, especially with regard to training and support (Harris 1993). Knowledge of host country perceptions of women as managers should be fundamental to development of effective training and support for female expatriates (Caligiuri, Joshi, and Lazarova 1999). As Caligiuri and Cascio (1998) suggested, the existence of cultural stereotypes about female managers in the host country indicates that the organization may need to provide awareness training to host nationals who are going to be interacting with female expatriates. In extreme cases, these researchers suggest that the organization establish her legitimacy by assigning a male colleague, who is respectful of the female expatriate, to team up with her for the assignment. The authors also point out a need for female expatriates to receive specific training on deriving solutions for the potentially difficult situations they may face as women in the host country. In addition, because host national managers may tend to assume that female expatriates received the assignment solely to fulfill an affirmative action quota, the organization should work to dispel this perception by emphasizing her status as the best person for the position, and by giving her high position power in the host country operation whenever possible.
Although the results of this study add to the knowledge on cultural differences in perceptions of women as managers held in Chile and the U.S., it would be premature to generalize beyond the parameters of the subject population at this point. While differences were observed for these individuals, these results should be confirmed in a variety of organizations with a broad range of samples possessing different demographic characteristics. Also, the study was conducted and results presented based upon samples from two countries and two cultures. Conclusions are based upon theses two arenas and their generalizability to other countries and cultures requires further study. Furthermore, only one set of perceptions about women as managers was measured. Other measures, both behavioral and perceptual, would assist in understanding the full scope of how men and women in different countries perceive and behave with respect to stereotypes of women as managers. Finally, the results of the current study should not be interpreted as causal. Only inferences about the associations among variables can be made. Still, an understanding of cultural differences in perception of women as managers can be a critical element in the success or failure of female managers on expatriate assignments.
Future research should focus on several issues to assist in further understanding the differences identified in the current research. First, further research on the factors that may affect the formation of perceptions of women as managers would be useful to understand the origins of the stereotypes. Second, identification of how these perceptions affect actual workplace behavior would provide information on how performance and promotion is enhanced or restricted. Finally, research to replicate the current investigation would allow for a determination of the extent and effects of stereotypical perceptions of women as managers in other cultures.
The current study offers evidence that perceptions of women in the two cultures studied are similar in some ways, but divergent in others. The results contribute to existing knowledge by providing an empirical comparison of perceptual differences in the U.S. and Chile, as opposed to anecdotal evidence. In addition, the examination of factors that emerged from the responses adds to the richness of the information provided by the comparison between the two cultures.
Note
- In the current study, the word “gender” was used in the manuscript rather than “sex.” As is common in the literature on looking at the differences between males and females, “gender” was used to refer to differences between men and women based on social and psychological phenomena, whereas “sex” is typically used to refer to biological differences.
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